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Researchers have documented high rates of body image disturbance among gay men (Yelland & Tiggemann, 2003), a finding generally attributed to the particularly unattainable body ideal espoused by many gay men (Duncan, 2007). This body ideal may both fuel and reflect antifat bias in the gay community.

Antifat attitudes in the broader culture can be internalized by those who struggle with their weight (Vartanian & Novak, 2011). Overweight individuals often show antifat bias (Lewis, Cash, Jacobi, & Bubb-Lewis, 1997; Puhl & Brownell, 2003). For example, many overweight individuals report negative associations with being overweight and may view themselves as lazy or unmotivated (Wang, Brownell, & Wadden, 2004). This has the potential to result in a self-fulfilling prophecy (Puhl & Brownell, 2003). When someone who is overweight tries to lose weight and fails, it reinforces the stereotype that they lack willpower (Wang et al., 2004). Unlike race or gender, there are few identity-affirming groups based on overweight status (Crandall, 1994; Wang et al., 2004), leaving most who are overweight without a community to help buffer against societal disapproval.

There are many reasons to be concerned about the prevalence of antifat bias. Weight-related critiques and antifat bias may actually make it harder for individuals to manage their weight in a healthy way (Puhl & Brownell, 2003). Weight-related social pressures and teasing predict extreme (and thus generally ineffective or dangerous) weight control measures, along with future overweight status, disordered eating, and binge eating 5 years later (Neumark-Sztainer et al., 2007).

Peitzman (2013), the author of the article cited above, argued that being both fat and gay is significantly more difficult than just one or the other, claiming that his own experiences of weight-based prejudice from other gay man are examples of a much more widespread phenomenon. Mark Joseph Stern of Slate (Stern & Waldman, 2013) argued that overweight gay men are often not seen as a viable romantic partners because of the importance of fitness and attractiveness in the gay male community. Whitesel (2014) came to a similar conclusion after studying “Girth and Mirthers,” a national group for overweight gay men. He found that overweight gay men were rejected socially and sexually by other gay men and often excluded from the mainstream gay male community. These arguments are consistent with research on gay men’s body ideals and body image disturbance in the gay community.

Gay men are particularly vulnerable to body image concerns, reporting greater overall body dissatisfaction than heterosexual men (Levesque & Vichesky, 2006; McArdle & Hill, 2009; Morrison, Morrison, & Sager, 2004; Smith, Hawkeswood, Bodell, & Joiner, 2011). Gay men also show higher levels of disordered eating than do heterosexual men (Smith et al., 2011; Strong, Williamson, Netemeyer, & Geer, 2000), with some studies reporting that gay men account for up to 30% of men diagnosed with eating disorders (Carlat, Camargo, & Herzog, 1997). Gay men report more pressure to be thin and lean compared with the pressure experienced by heterosexual men (Duggan & McCreary, 2004) and greater overall drive for thinness than heterosexual men (Herzog, Newman, & Warshaw, 1991). Gay men also show greater body fat dissatisfaction than do heterosexual men (Smith et al., 2011) and report a significantly lower ideal weight than do heterosexual men (McArdle & Hill, 2009). In studies in which participants indicate their ideal figure, gay men report preferring thinner figures than do heterosexual men (Tiggemann et al., 2007). This drive for thinness may contribute to antifat attitudes.

Unlike heterosexual men, gay men show similar levels of body shame and dissatisfaction as heterosexual women (Beren, Hayden, Wilfley, & Grilo, 1996; Engeln-Maddox, Miller, & Doyle, 2011; Levesque & Vichesky, 2006), perhaps because both groups are trying to attract male partners, for whom physical attractiveness tends to be more important (Blashill, 2010; Duggan & McCreary, 2004; Legenbauer et al., 2009; Martins et al., 2007; Siever, 1994). In women, the internalization of sexual objectification by men has been implicated in the development of body dissatisfaction (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997). 

Indeed, many have argued that gay men report higher levels of body image disturbance because they are a part of a subculture that places extreme emphasis on physical attractiveness (Beren et al., 1996; Hospers & Jansen, 2005; Tiggemann et al., 2007; Yelland & Tiggemann, 2003). Compared with heterosexual men, gay men report higher concern for their own physical appearance and believe that their physical appearance is more important to potential romantic partners (Siever, 1994). Appearance ideals for gay men tend to be particularly stringent (Duncan, 2007). Images of men in magazines targeted toward gay men have significantly lower body fat percentage than images of men in magazines targeted toward heterosexual men (Lanzieri & Cook, 2013).

This cultural focus on appearance and stereotypes surrounding the ideal gay body may also lead gay men to judge other gay men more harshly based on appearance. Internalization of stereotypes about thinness has been shown to predict gay men’s preferences for a thinner, more attractive romantic partner, more so than for heterosexual men (Legenbauer et al., 2009). Gay men also report experiencing more weight-related teasing than heterosexual men (Beren et al., 1996; McArdle & Hill, 2009) and weight-related teasing is shown to have a greater impact on self-esteem for gay men than heterosexual men (McArdle & Hill, 2009).

Foster-Gimbel, O., & Engeln, R. (2016). Fat chance! Experiences and expectations of antifat bias in the gay male community. Psychology of Sexual Orientation and Gender Diversity, 3(1), 63-70.

https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2016-02344-001